Author: Bevilacqua, Piero . Source: eddyburg
A question hovers for restless minds of Europe who think of politics as a lever to the freedom of peoples and government of the world. For such reasons, neoliberalism, the overwhelming capitalist initiative, started in '80 in the UK and USA, and became one planetary thinking, it is still so alive and dominant in almost all states?
A question hovers for restless minds of Europe who think of politics as a lever to the freedom of peoples and government of the world. For such reasons, neoliberalism, the overwhelming capitalist initiative, started in '80 in the UK and USA, and became one planetary thinking, it is still so alive and dominant in almost all states?
Still, the season is over in the mud of the worst crisis in 80 years. Not only that. She missed almost all of its stated objectives. Has not created new jobs work, unemployment has spread even well before the crash of 2008, despite the companies have obtained from various national governments flexibility and precariousness of workers never experienced before. In the late '90s, as he showed a great expert on the issue, Kevin Bales could be counted as many as 27 million slaves distributed in the different corners of the earth. And in 2000 there were 246 million to work well for children. One setback to human civilization that can hardly be compensated by the nouveaux riches which appeared well-being in low income countries. But perhaps the biggest failure of the neoliberal project has been on the ground that it is more precisely: the economic growth. Between 1979 and 2000 the average annual growth the world's income per capita - as shown by Branco Milanovic - was 0.9%. . It is absolutely incomparable to 3% and sometimes more than the previous periods.
So what? Com 'is that this general inoccultabile defeat in the economic field is not paid a defeat of the political arena? We are not so as not to understand the mechanistic diversity of the plans being compared is the time difference of the phenomena that move in two different social spheres. But the question arises.
I think the first answer lies in this result paradoxical ending its cycle in the financial-economic collapse, neoliberalism has been able to capitalize on two outcomes politicivantaggiosi. The crisis has in fact made two serious acute scarcity: scarcity of labor and the lack of security. The latter in part related to the first. These shortages pose the working class and popular in a state of serious imbalance of power relations and provide the dominant classes of force and matter of ideological manipulation that can overshadow the economic losses incurred. As always, needs and fears are now two formidable weapons of power.
But this is part of the answer. At the end of '900 has consumed a historic reversal in many ways amazing. As noted by Mario Tronti, until a few decades ago, the labor movement had an international dimension to the face confinement of a national capital. With all its limitations, all communist countries was also this: an international front. Today we are witnessing a complete reversal of the scenario. The work, which represented less and less on political and trade union side, is chained in its territory, while the capital running around the world: freedom of movement is an unprecedented political power against those who have lost their global representation. The ability to blackmail Marchionne, which can move freely between the U.S., Brazil, Poland, Serbia is in this regard, exemplary.
But perhaps the greatest political success of neoliberalism-what now makes it possible to still have the right to word was his grip on egemomica traditional parties of the left and their emptying as people's parties. We want to recall what were the slogans prevalent - without prejudice to national diversity - British Labour, the German Social Democrats, the Socialist French, Italian Communists, in all these years? Liberalization, privatization, labor flexibility, decreased social marginalization of the union, and so on. The idea is that individual freedom should lead the way as the dominant agent of a new project of society, governed by the logic of the market dynamics and winning, was the heart - all of neo-liberal brand - which replaced solidarist the old heritage and internationalism. An unconditional surrender to the reasons of the adversary, which, from a cultural point of view, is also explained by the Marxist tradition, however, industrialist and the European left.
The astral distance of these historical formations from contemporary ecological thinking, in fact, prevented them see a new horizon and cosmopolitan solidarity in the face of fiscal crisis of the welfare state in industrialized countries and the collapse of the USSR. Once all of the push for reform of the previous decades, it does not is left with no other way if they wanted to continue the promotion of economic growth, as indicated by the opponent. While between exorcism and camouflage, neoliberalism has in fact been accepted as the new frontier to follow. But today the new religion of growth, which appeared in the '80s as the 'vanguard of a new era of modernization and progress of the world, shows itself in all its paradoxical and surprising anti-historicity. It was a rearguard nineteenth century and has been mistaken for the flower bud of a new era of humanity. The economistic individualism on which it appeared fondavaè soon as the embodiment of social behavior is no longer sustainable, because the generator, among other things, the greatest threat that mankind has had before him: the depletion of resources, the collapse of the environmental balance, warming. E 'paradoxical, but rich in meaning, the fact that people's parties have not been able to seize the new horizon of cooperation and solidarity that environmental problems would return to center stage as he eclipsed those of the old socialist and communist ideologies. They have not been able to see how the discovery of a "Land over," and in danger, with the outfit of the ecological sciences, offered a new concept of society in which the common good, the public interest, is repeated in universal forms and dramatically renovated mandatory. A new ideological glue for a variety of shapes and walks of life and at the same time the introduction of a new and broader internationalism.
Today, exactly undock from the 'labor internationalism ", the legacy of the past, and the inability to understand the new, proposed by the Environmental, are of historical parties of the left of the paper boats in a storm. Without a goal to follow, no energy to face the sea. In the immediate future, however, is the absence of a weak labor internationalism more serious and dramatic. The lack of a deep reading of the trends of contemporary capitalism prevented from understanding the destruction taking place in the world of work. Does not provide the prospective eye on what the capital is preparing to the whole social work, thanks to its ability to scale movement world. Impossible to foresee the huge dissolution of social links and class to which it is increasingly vital interests. The capital, in fact, hit hard today not because there is a crisis, but for the enormous political power in the meantime, the workers won in a time of fierce competition intercapitalistica. So what to do?
I believe that if capital is mobile and global, the same may be right, the mesh of rules imposed by the struggles, politics: also, moreover, potentially universal. But as a person, for example in Italy, can move in that direction? From the PD it seems very difficult to be able to claim. Cultural disasters do not it comes up in a short time and good will of someone. From small leftist parties may be only a small contribution. Without doubt, the force that can take the initiative - and must do so urgently - is the union: the CGIL.
I think today is no longer possible to postpone a discussion on this important open-minded and courageous people and the working force, which has certainly played a vital role in defense of workers in all these difficult years. But we must now ask itself and to the managers, how it was possible that one of the most powerful unions in Europe - and perhaps the richest in terms of assets - has been able to provide such a dramatic retreat income workers. In an OECD report 2006-2007 the wages of Italian workers were 23rd in the 30 countries of the Organization. And the 'Italy in the ranking, is certainly not the least of these countries. The CGIL, has a brilliant local organization, borrowed from the French trade unionism: the Chamber of Labour. It brings together workers of different categories and performing various tasks of patronage and support. But because in all these years when the work has been crushed, often separate from the workplace, lost, the Chambers of Labour have not played a role in the restructuring of local, union and political regrouping? Why the Chambers of Labour have not extended, scattered in the neighborhoods of cities, small towns, such as new principals working in the area? It appears that the CGIL had not the resources for such initiatives. The fact is that it basically lives and also good - although not exclusively - with the money of workers and thus has moral obligations more stringent. And: how it was possible, was achieved while Europe 's € and the various EU institutions, such a glaring absence of concerted European initiative to various organizations by one of the largest unions in the continent? At the global level, finally, the political inertia is even more serious and bewildering, even if it involves all unions equally. E 'from 1919 that exists in Geneva 's International Labour Organization. (ILO) It was created 25 years before the IMF and World Bank. The 'ILO, the result of the international ambitions of that era, was to supervise the labor laws in various countries around the world. But in the last half century it has left the scene, and has triumphed in international financial institutions of Bretton Woods. And where were the unions in the meantime? Why not have been able to follow the advancing internationalization of capital? Why not have been able to do that body, now a member of the UN, a real-world power of workers? Obviously, with the strength of the opponent, is the inertia of the institution union which has played an important role. For this reason, all these failures is inevitable now turn to the CGIL a series of urgent requests and precise. It must adopt a strategy aimed at creating an international network of trade union movement. A new cosmopolitanism labor imperious knock at the door. There are, in Italy, thousands of girls and boys to 30 years have traveled the world, know more languages, practice daily international connections on the Internet. They must come a new generation of union leaders. For this reason, the CGIL would have to initiate an internal survey that redefines the duties of directors, officers, employees, change in the running for the organization and its strategies. The inertia of the past are no longer understandable or tolerable. This union can no longer live in the routine while on the job the storm strikes.
Www.amigi.org. This article was posted to the poster contemporaneamete
So what? Com 'is that this general inoccultabile defeat in the economic field is not paid a defeat of the political arena? We are not so as not to understand the mechanistic diversity of the plans being compared is the time difference of the phenomena that move in two different social spheres. But the question arises.
I think the first answer lies in this result paradoxical ending its cycle in the financial-economic collapse, neoliberalism has been able to capitalize on two outcomes politicivantaggiosi. The crisis has in fact made two serious acute scarcity: scarcity of labor and the lack of security. The latter in part related to the first. These shortages pose the working class and popular in a state of serious imbalance of power relations and provide the dominant classes of force and matter of ideological manipulation that can overshadow the economic losses incurred. As always, needs and fears are now two formidable weapons of power.
But this is part of the answer. At the end of '900 has consumed a historic reversal in many ways amazing. As noted by Mario Tronti, until a few decades ago, the labor movement had an international dimension to the face confinement of a national capital. With all its limitations, all communist countries was also this: an international front. Today we are witnessing a complete reversal of the scenario. The work, which represented less and less on political and trade union side, is chained in its territory, while the capital running around the world: freedom of movement is an unprecedented political power against those who have lost their global representation. The ability to blackmail Marchionne, which can move freely between the U.S., Brazil, Poland, Serbia is in this regard, exemplary.
But perhaps the greatest political success of neoliberalism-what now makes it possible to still have the right to word was his grip on egemomica traditional parties of the left and their emptying as people's parties. We want to recall what were the slogans prevalent - without prejudice to national diversity - British Labour, the German Social Democrats, the Socialist French, Italian Communists, in all these years? Liberalization, privatization, labor flexibility, decreased social marginalization of the union, and so on. The idea is that individual freedom should lead the way as the dominant agent of a new project of society, governed by the logic of the market dynamics and winning, was the heart - all of neo-liberal brand - which replaced solidarist the old heritage and internationalism. An unconditional surrender to the reasons of the adversary, which, from a cultural point of view, is also explained by the Marxist tradition, however, industrialist and the European left.
The astral distance of these historical formations from contemporary ecological thinking, in fact, prevented them see a new horizon and cosmopolitan solidarity in the face of fiscal crisis of the welfare state in industrialized countries and the collapse of the USSR. Once all of the push for reform of the previous decades, it does not is left with no other way if they wanted to continue the promotion of economic growth, as indicated by the opponent. While between exorcism and camouflage, neoliberalism has in fact been accepted as the new frontier to follow. But today the new religion of growth, which appeared in the '80s as the 'vanguard of a new era of modernization and progress of the world, shows itself in all its paradoxical and surprising anti-historicity. It was a rearguard nineteenth century and has been mistaken for the flower bud of a new era of humanity. The economistic individualism on which it appeared fondavaè soon as the embodiment of social behavior is no longer sustainable, because the generator, among other things, the greatest threat that mankind has had before him: the depletion of resources, the collapse of the environmental balance, warming. E 'paradoxical, but rich in meaning, the fact that people's parties have not been able to seize the new horizon of cooperation and solidarity that environmental problems would return to center stage as he eclipsed those of the old socialist and communist ideologies. They have not been able to see how the discovery of a "Land over," and in danger, with the outfit of the ecological sciences, offered a new concept of society in which the common good, the public interest, is repeated in universal forms and dramatically renovated mandatory. A new ideological glue for a variety of shapes and walks of life and at the same time the introduction of a new and broader internationalism.
Today, exactly undock from the 'labor internationalism ", the legacy of the past, and the inability to understand the new, proposed by the Environmental, are of historical parties of the left of the paper boats in a storm. Without a goal to follow, no energy to face the sea. In the immediate future, however, is the absence of a weak labor internationalism more serious and dramatic. The lack of a deep reading of the trends of contemporary capitalism prevented from understanding the destruction taking place in the world of work. Does not provide the prospective eye on what the capital is preparing to the whole social work, thanks to its ability to scale movement world. Impossible to foresee the huge dissolution of social links and class to which it is increasingly vital interests. The capital, in fact, hit hard today not because there is a crisis, but for the enormous political power in the meantime, the workers won in a time of fierce competition intercapitalistica. So what to do?
I believe that if capital is mobile and global, the same may be right, the mesh of rules imposed by the struggles, politics: also, moreover, potentially universal. But as a person, for example in Italy, can move in that direction? From the PD it seems very difficult to be able to claim. Cultural disasters do not it comes up in a short time and good will of someone. From small leftist parties may be only a small contribution. Without doubt, the force that can take the initiative - and must do so urgently - is the union: the CGIL.
I think today is no longer possible to postpone a discussion on this important open-minded and courageous people and the working force, which has certainly played a vital role in defense of workers in all these difficult years. But we must now ask itself and to the managers, how it was possible that one of the most powerful unions in Europe - and perhaps the richest in terms of assets - has been able to provide such a dramatic retreat income workers. In an OECD report 2006-2007 the wages of Italian workers were 23rd in the 30 countries of the Organization. And the 'Italy in the ranking, is certainly not the least of these countries. The CGIL, has a brilliant local organization, borrowed from the French trade unionism: the Chamber of Labour. It brings together workers of different categories and performing various tasks of patronage and support. But because in all these years when the work has been crushed, often separate from the workplace, lost, the Chambers of Labour have not played a role in the restructuring of local, union and political regrouping? Why the Chambers of Labour have not extended, scattered in the neighborhoods of cities, small towns, such as new principals working in the area? It appears that the CGIL had not the resources for such initiatives. The fact is that it basically lives and also good - although not exclusively - with the money of workers and thus has moral obligations more stringent. And: how it was possible, was achieved while Europe 's € and the various EU institutions, such a glaring absence of concerted European initiative to various organizations by one of the largest unions in the continent? At the global level, finally, the political inertia is even more serious and bewildering, even if it involves all unions equally. E 'from 1919 that exists in Geneva 's International Labour Organization. (ILO) It was created 25 years before the IMF and World Bank. The 'ILO, the result of the international ambitions of that era, was to supervise the labor laws in various countries around the world. But in the last half century it has left the scene, and has triumphed in international financial institutions of Bretton Woods. And where were the unions in the meantime? Why not have been able to follow the advancing internationalization of capital? Why not have been able to do that body, now a member of the UN, a real-world power of workers? Obviously, with the strength of the opponent, is the inertia of the institution union which has played an important role. For this reason, all these failures is inevitable now turn to the CGIL a series of urgent requests and precise. It must adopt a strategy aimed at creating an international network of trade union movement. A new cosmopolitanism labor imperious knock at the door. There are, in Italy, thousands of girls and boys to 30 years have traveled the world, know more languages, practice daily international connections on the Internet. They must come a new generation of union leaders. For this reason, the CGIL would have to initiate an internal survey that redefines the duties of directors, officers, employees, change in the running for the organization and its strategies. The inertia of the past are no longer understandable or tolerable. This union can no longer live in the routine while on the job the storm strikes.
Www.amigi.org. This article was posted to the poster contemporaneamete
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